Canvassing in
Brighton back in 2017 to support Green Party MP Caroline Lucas’s re-election
efforts, I knocked on a door and came across a fellow ex-member of Socialist
Self-Management. The numbers involved in the group and in the production of its
glossy magazine Socialist Alternatives,
I guess, never amounted to more than thirty. We exchanged memories of former
associates, and Keir Starmer’s name came up. He was described on the door step
as ‘ambitious’. Now elected Labour Party leader, has Keir Starmer’s youth
affiliation, in the 1980s, with an obscure Trotskyist splinter group, anything
to tell us about his future direction in British politics? Probably not, if I
am frank. Origins are no automatic guide to future development. Indeed many of
us move through different forms of ideological commitment over a lifetime.
Nonetheless, I still feel that Socialist Self-Management was an innovative
group and I think it is worth outlining their approach, which might be seen as
prefigurative of later developments in British politics.
Socialist
Self-Management had an odd dual existence. On the one hand it was a loose
libertarian group with little trace of paper selling, democratic centralism or
political discipline. Even using the term ‘membership’ was a little misleading.
Far from being a homogenous organisation, those of us involved were likely to
be in the Labour Party like Keir, but included Greens and the otherwise unaffiliated.
There was no getting up at 5.30am to sell copies of Socialist Alternative at
the factory gates, however we did get to go to a Bastille Day Celebration and a
revolutionary youth camp in the South of France in the summer of 1989.
On the other hand,
SSM was essentially a section of the International Revolutionary Marxist
Tendency. Not only was Keir a Trotskyist, but one of those exotic and rarely
seen specimens, a Pabloite.
Occasionally, events in memory of Trotsky were promoted, along with copies of Sous
le Drapeau du Socialisme, the International Revolutionary Marxist Tendency’s
journal. I guess Shelley’s dictum that poets are the’ unacknowledged legislatorsof the world’ might be rewritten substituting ‘former Trotskyists’
for writers of verse. There is some evidence that 1980s Trotskyists dominate
British politics in 2020. The Brexit Party and Boris Johnson’s policy office
are staffed with ex members of the Revolutionary Communist Party. I digress.
The tension between
a Fourth International affiliation and a loose libertarian organisation led to
some criticism from observers of SSM. There was certainly conflict with the
Socialist Society when SSM members were attending meetings. It is worth digging
a little deeper to understand the perhaps unusual, but innovative ideological
orientation of the Revolutionary Marxist Tendency. Stalin, Tito and the
international green movement all played their part.
Michel Pablo was the pseudonym of Michalis
N. Raptis. A Greek citizen born in Egypt in 1911, he became a controversial and
innovative Marxist leader. By the 1950s he was one of the most prominent
leaders of the Fourth International .
The Fourth International (FI) had been created as a new global Communist
organisation, after Stalin’s rift with Trotsky. Backed by the US Socialist
Workers Party, Pablo had played an important role in uniting the International
and shaping its strategic direction, but by the early 1950s the new perspective
he was advancing for the organisation caused bitter dissent. He argued that the
strength of official Communist Parties, the relative weaknesses of the
Trotskyists, and the likelihood of World War Three occurring, suggested a new tactic. Supporters
of the FI were to secretly join Communist Parties or social democratic parties
as a long-term project to exploit the subsequent divisions caused by likely
war. While this might be seen as an imaginative way of leveraging power for a
relatively small political organisation, it was perceived understandably by
many of Pablo’s comrades as scandalous, given that Stalin had had Trotsky
murdered. Pablo's politics are discussed in greater detail here.
Fast forward to the 1980s, Pablo had long
been expelled from the FI and his Trotskyist international was a tiny
organisation. He continued to innovate; anti-colonial struggles had been one
intervention. Older members of Socialist Self-Management such as the physicist
and former Bristol West Labour Party Parliamentary Candidate John Malos ,
whom I met, were proud of their role in the Algerian independence struggles of
the late 1950s and early 1960s. Challenging bureaucratic forms of socialist
planning, Pablo embraced workplace democracy, thus the title Socialist Self-Management
reflected the core of his political philosophy.
He acted as an economic advisor to Chile’s socialist President Allende before
the 1973 coup. Feminism was another passion, the Pabloites were early advocates
of what now might be termed intersectionality.
Ellen Malos authored The Politics of Housework, published in 1980 along
with Housework and the Politics of Women's Liberation.
Ecological
politics was another focus. Australian members of the Pabloite International
were early advocates of what we might term ecosocialism. My involvement came
after reading Alan Roberts’ book The Self-Managing Environment. Like
John Malos, Roberts was another Australian physicist. The Self-Managing
Environment’s Freudian Marxism linking an alienated workforce to the
existence of an ecologically damaging consumer society looks rather dated at
first sight, another iteration of Marcuse perhaps.
However, in robustly criticising the Malthusianism of 1970s environmentalists
like Paul Ehrlich, defending the concept of commons and taking a nuanced view
of technology innovation, I think it remains an important book for those of us
advocating green politics today. I picked up a copy of the Self-Management
Papers in Camden’s radical bookshop Compendium, put together by an Oxford
student using the pseudonym Harry Curtis at some point in the mid 1980s. When
Socialist Alternatives came out I was a keen reader. Not having seen an issue
for a month or two I asked the people behind the counter in my then local
radical bookshop Full Marx in Bristol .
They told me that one of the production team supported their bookshop, I was
introduced to John and Ellen Malos, who whisked me down the M4 for regular
meetings in London with ‘Harry Curtis’, Peter Tatchell and, of course, Keir
Starmer.
Derek
Wall
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